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The Record · the double ledger · reviewed August 2026

What changed / where it went

The left ledger records changes to legal process — statutes, rules, practice directions, funding decisions — that made it harder to bring, sustain, or learn about claims against public institutions since 2008. The right ledger records contemporaneous public spending by the same governments and institutions, including spending on resisting the very accountability mechanisms the left column narrowed. Neither column alleges motive. Together they answer the claim that access was cut to save money: the money was not saved. It was spent — including on the resisting.

The left ledger: what changed

2008

The direct-access transition. Commission files moved to a new tribunal system; the one-year clock ran during the switch; applicants were timed out in the handover (see S.M., our earliest Durham casualty).

~2010

Summary hearings created. A filter — but one with a hearing in it.

2018–21

The adjudicator collapse. Appointments expired en masse and were not renewed; the experienced complement drained. The backlog this created became the stated justification for nearly everything below.

2019

The triple change. Tribunals Ontario absorbed the cluster; legal aid cut ~30% province-wide, with HRLSC mediation-representation funding ended March 31 — applicants began negotiating against institutional counsel alone; and TARA (below).

2020

The pandemic shift. Electronic hearings made default, then permanent; decision output halved for three years; digital-first filing arrived with the divide it brings.

2021

Two quiet tightenings. The screening test hardened — disclosed only later, held unlawful by the Divisional Court in Bokhari (Feb 2026); and the JRPA was amended to impose a 30-day judicial-review deadline where none had existed — finality for institutions, a trap for the self-represented.

2022

The practice direction. Preliminary merits review on written filings formalized; NOIDs and CADs became the closing instruments.

2024

April: the oversight reorganization (see the transition page) — the public policy-complaint route abolished. October: the rules package — summary hearings eliminated after fourteen years; expedited-hearing rule deleted. Filters without hearings replaced filters with them.

2025

Mandatory mediation. Applicant absence can end the case; a missed post-mediation form can close it without further notice; respondent absence merely limits later participation.

2026

Bill 97. Response deadlines to 45 business days; ministers' offices excluded from FOI retroactively — extinguishing the court-ordered production of the Premier's phone records after six years of litigation; personal information banks removed from the statute.

Honesty box — what moved the other way. Anti-SLAPP protection (2015) strengthened public-interest expression; TARA's presumptive right is real for single files; and the Divisional Court's 2025–26 line (Ramirez, Royal LePage, Bokhari) has begun pushing back on abandonment and screening practices. The ledger records the ratio, not a conspiracy: roughly a dozen narrowings to three widenings in eighteen years.

TARA — the full story

In Toronto Star v. AG Ontario, 2018 ONSC 2586, the Superior Court held that FIPPA's treatment of tribunal adjudicative records violated the Charter: the presumption of non-disclosure of personal information, and the delays built into the FOI process, infringed s. 2(b)'s open-court guarantee. The press had won the constitutional point: tribunal records are court-like records the public is presumptively entitled to see. The government's legislative response was the Tribunal Adjudicative Records Act, 2019 — which did create a presumptive access right, and simultaneously removed adjudicative records from FIPPA entirely (s. 65(16)). What left with FIPPA: the IPC's appeal jurisdiction, enforceable timelines, fee controls, and any right to compelled searches or aggregate data. What arrived with TARA: per-file requests to the tribunal itself, tribunal-issued confidentiality orders, and the official position that the tribunal "cannot extract, compile or aggregate" — the wall this project's FOI architecture is built around.

Net assessment: for a party seeking their own file — roughly neutral to positive. For researchers, journalists, and the public trying to see the system rather than a case — strictly worse than what the Charter ruling had just won. The open-court principle was honoured in the individual and extinguished in the aggregate.

The right ledger: where it went

  • Fighting records orders — two sagas, kept distinct. The mandate letters: media sought the Premier's mandate letters in 2018; the IPC ordered disclosure; the government litigated through Divisional Court, the Court of Appeal, and the Supreme Court (decided 2024) — and won there, lawfully, at multi-year public expense. The phone records: Greenbelt-era orders for the Premier's phone records (~2023 onward) were headed the other way — until Bill 97 (Feb 2026) retroactively excluded ministers' records, extinguishing the orders rather than complying with them. One fight ended in a court ruling; the other ended in a law change. Legal costs of both: FOI target.
  • Resisting the Durham investigation. Approximately $2 million in reported legal expenses by DRPS and its board resisting the oversight investigation, plus a court-ordered $65,000 payable to the OCPC — both ultimately taxpayer-funded; the investigation's own report describes "an unjustified significant expenditure of taxpayer funds in resisting and obstructing a lawful investigation." The report itself: withheld from publication. (Verified against the original CBC reporting, November 2025.)
  • Defending the Thunder Bay crisis. External counsel across a dozen concurrent HRTO matters, criminal defence proceedings for senior leadership, administrator costs, and expert-panel processes — the litigation footprint of a governance collapse, borne by a city of 110,000. Quantification via FOI.
  • The WSIB fight against members. Durham officers' PTSD findings reportedly appealed by the service as a pattern. Cost of appeals: FOI target. Downstream cost visible at Thunder Bay: years of tribunal litigation by injured members.
  • The expansion asks. Durham's $1.1B ten-year plan (∼10% property-tax impact, 670+ new positions), proposed by the same institutions whose accountability resistance appears above. Presented beside, not netted against. The 2027 kit.

A draft row on provincial discretionary spending (amenity procurement, aircraft, event costs) was removed at verification: this ledger's force depends on every number surviving scrutiny, and those items are not yet sourced to primary documents. They return if and when they are.

Centerpiece: two phones

One phone belonged to an Indigenous woman who chaired a police board and reported suspected misconduct. Within months, the service she oversaw was investigating her and sought a production order for her personal cell phone. She was replaced as chair in an election held early, and was later cleared by the OPP of any wrongdoing. The other phone belonged to the Premier of Ontario. The privacy commissioner ordered its records produced. The response was taxpayer-funded litigation — and then a law that retroactively extinguished the order. One phone was searched on suspicion. The other was legislated beyond reach after courts said produce it. Same province. Same years. This page exists so the two columns can be read together.